壮族人名的变更

壮家娃

	一般来说，一个壮族男子，一生要变更五次名称：出世后的婴儿，统称“依冒”。男孩第一次取乳名，入学后取书名，若生儿育女了就有父名，表示已是大人了，再呼书名或乳名，他就不高兴了。若生的是男孩，他就叫“父冒”，若是女孩，他就叫“父娟”。等孩子取了乳名，他就叫“父某”。到了老年还要取一次老名，老名是用孙子乳名与“爷”字合称。如孙子叫志明，他就叫“爷志明”。 　　壮族重视父名与老名的称呼。不喜欢官衔等职业的称呼。对上了年纪的老又不知他儿孙的乳名，只管叫“阿伯”、“阿叔”、“阿公” 好了，不然会招来白眼。

伤疤好咯

	难道客话里也把哥哥称作ving 或者 gaeux，把妹妹称作 hiz、nuengx 的？ ------------------------------- ving是兄，gaeux是舅，hiz是姨。舅和姨都是随外甥称。 也许是土著与中原接触之时，尚处母系，因此一些称呼就不分内外了。 [此贴子已经被作者于2010-12-12 23:38:15编辑过]

僚园星火

	QUOTE: 以下是引用伤疤好咯在2010-12-12 2:40:03的发言： 不要再说了，从头到脚 都是平话词汇 不会吧，从头到脚？说部分还说得过去 就“coek父亲\moih妹\cij姐\biuj表” 这几个是而已吧。 难道客话里也把哥哥称作ving 或者 gaeux，把妹妹称作 hiz、nuengx 的？

伤疤好咯

	因为广府网民太脑残，其它地方的白话只好单列出来了

使君子

	QUOTE: 以下是引用伤疤好咯在2010-12-12 2:40:03的发言： 都是平话词汇 到底为什么 平话 会单列出来？biuj moih 这个词一听就知是 表妹 。 如果 平话 需要被单列，那么 台山话、玉林话 都不属白话了。

伤疤好咯

	不要再说了，从头到脚 都是平话词汇

僚园星火

	QUOTE: 以下是引用伤疤好咯在2010-11-2 12:04:18的发言： au的本义是弟弟？搞错了吧？你回去问你老人搞清楚先。 没错的，要具体问题具体分析，我们那边都 au 这样称呼弟弟，称 叔叔 时要用“coek+定语”这个固定格式，如 coek yij \ coek haj \； 哥哥则称 ving 或者 gaeux，其中 ving 是弟弟喊的，gaeux是妹妹喊的，类似于泰语里的 kap \ ka 表示男女有别一样。 表妹：男的喊则称“biuj moih”,女的喊则称“biuj hiz”，比如：我是男的，所以我叫我表妹只能用“biuj moih”。 兄弟姐妹：gueng ving- nuengx au- daix cij- nuengx hiz (哥哥-弟弟-姐姐-妹妹)。

李秃顶

	QUOTE: 以下是引用伤疤好咯在2010-11-2 12:04:18的发言： au的本义是弟弟？搞错了吧？你回去问你老人搞清楚先。 应该是叔叔，而不是弟弟。

南虎

	准确的说应该是一个壮族人一生被称呼的变更过程。

伤疤好咯

	au的本义是弟弟？搞错了吧？你回去问你老人搞清楚先。

伤疤好咯

	跟我们的不同，aumaeuz,aucaiz中的maeuz\caiz是其本人的名字，叫他aumaeuz，意思是他是叔辈，而名叫maeuz.

僚园星火

	我那里很多人名字叫 au（au 本义弟弟，引申为男子名字） 的， 有的叫au’maeuz ，aucaiz，其中maeuz、caiz 是其父亲名字。 即 本人名+父亲名 的格式，后面的父亲名作定语，表示区别。

使君子

	为什么我在楼上说“其中另有隐情”？ 因为我发觉，中英文维基的记载，存在很大出入： http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khun_Borom Khun Borom（君波林） Khun Borom Rachathirath is the legendary progenitor of the Tai-speaking peoples, considered by the Lao and others to be the father of their race. In the framework of Chinese historiography, Khun Borom is identified as 皮羅閣, who unified the kingdom of 南詔's six parts and ruled it in 728—748. He had military assistance and titles from Emperor 宣宗 of 唐 Dynasty, and in 740 established his capital at Daiho(大和) city near modern 大理. Mythology According to the myth of Khun Borom, commonly related among the Lao, people in ancient times were wicked and crude. A great deity destroyed them with a flood, leaving only three worthy chiefs who were preserved in heaven to be the founders and guides for a new race of people. The deity sent the three chiefs back to the earth with a buffalo to help them till the land. The chiefs and the buffalo arrived in the land of Muang Then (believed to be present-day 奠邊府 in Vietnam). Once the land had been prepared for rice cultivation, the buffalo died and a gourd vine grew from his nostril. From the gourds on the vine, the new human race emerged—relatively dark-skinned aboriginal peoples emerging from gourds cut open with a hot poker, and the lighter skinned Lao emerging from cuts made with a chisel. The gods then taught the Tai people how to build houses and cultivate rice. They were instructed in proper rituals and behaviour, and grew prosperous. As their population grew, they needed aid in governing their relations and resolving disputes. Indra, the king of gods, sent his son, Khun Borom, to be the ruler of the Tai people. Khun Borom ruled the Tai people for 25 years, teaching them to use new tools and other arts. After this quarter-century span, Khun Borom divided the Tai kingdom among his seven sons, giving each one of them a portion of the kingdom to rule. The eldest son, Khun Lo, was given the kingdom of Muang Sua- modern-day Luang Prabang. Other sons were given the kingdoms of Siang Khwang, Ayutthaya, Chiang Mai, Sipsong Ban Na (西雙版納), Hamsavati (a Mon state in modern-day Myanmar), and an unknown area apparently in north-central Vietnam, sometimes identified with Nghe-an province. Scholarship Some interpreters of the story of Khun Borom believe that it describes Tai-speaking peoples arriving in Southeast Asia from China (mythically identified with heaven, from which the Tai chiefs emerge after the flood). The system of dividing and expanding a kingdom in order to provide for the sons of a ruler agrees in general with the apparent organization and succession practices of ancient Tai village groups, called mueang. Khun Bourom Maharasa dynasty - The great King of the Nan Chao (Ai Lao) Empire. Khun Bourom had nine sons, and seven of them became kings in different kingdoms in the area of so called "Lamthong": "Khun Lor" ruled Moung Sawa (Sua), (LuangPhrabang, Laos) "Khun Palanh" ruled SipsongPanna, (西雙版納) "Khun Chusong" ruled TungKea, (Muang Huao Phanh to Ha Noi, Vietnam) "Khun Saiphong" ruled Lanna, (Chiang Mai, Thailand) "Khun Ngua In" ruled Ayuthaya, (Thailand) "Khun Lok khom" ruled Moung Hongsa (Inthaputh), (Shan state, Burma) "Khun ChetCheang" ruled Moung Phuan, (XiengKhouang, Laos). After Khun Loor who ruled Muang Sawa(Sua), there were 19 Kings after Khun Loor who ruled Muang Sawa(Sua). The last one was Khun Vaang. After his death, his son who was named "Lang", took the throne and was then named "King Langthirath". After King Langthirath died, his son (Thao Khamphong) was crowned as "King Souvanna Khamphong." After King Souvanna Khamphong died, his son "Chao Fifah" or "Khamhiao" took the throne. Chao Fifah (Khamhiao) had six sons and one of them was "Chao FaNgum". King FaNgum was the creator of the Lan Xang Kingdom during his reign in the 13th century. Both King Mengrai of Chiang Mai and U-Thong of Ayutthaya is said to have come from Khum Borom Lao Dynasty. Scholar David K. Wyatt believes that the Khun Borom myth may provide insight into the early history of the Tai people in Southeast Asia. Versions of the Khun Borom myth occur as early as 698 CE in Siang Khwang, and identify Tai-speaking kingdoms that would be formally established years later. This may provide an indication of the early degree of geographical spread found in Tai-speaking peoples, and provides a mythological explanation for why modern Tai-speaking peoples are found in such widespread pockets. Linguistic analysis indicates that the division of the early Tai speakers into the language groups that gave rise to modern Thai, Lao and other languages occurred sometime between the 7th and 11th Centuries CE. This split proceeded along geographic lines very similar to the division given in the Khun Borom legend, and left the original area of occupation of the Tai people- in Vietnam, in the vicinity of 奠邊府 occupied by speakers from linguistic groups that may have already diverged earlier in history.

使君子

	http://konglong.5d6d.com/redirect.php?tid=10443&goto=lastpost#lastpost 找到了一篇《傣族人名的等级结构与社会功能》： http://www.lw23.com/paper_110546071_16/ 官名的结构范畴和社会功能 　　运用结构层次分析法分析傣族的官名，可以分为：官衔称、人名／个体称和等级称这3大范畴。官衔称中只包括大头人（叭龙）、 头人（叭）和二头人（乍）这3个品第。人名则包括乳名、还俗名和父名3种。乳名的结构，如前所述，是由等级称和个体称构成的。个体称内部无等级差异，但等级称则有贵族翁级跟平民百姓的区别。还俗名只区分和尚和佛爷两个层次。父名首先要分出“父称”和“乳名”这两个层次，在乳名中再分出等级称和个体称这两个层面。作为“人名”替换部分的“个体称”，包括行政区名、俗名和法名这3个层级。 等级称这个范畴只区分贵族翁级和平民百姓这两个层级。官名的结构范畴图从略。 傣人一生中不同时代要改好几个名，末尾讲到傣人首领的官名，官名里面需要包含 人名 ，人名里面有一种是 父名，父名里面又包含 自己的乳名 以及 “父称”。但是对于“父称”和 自己的乳名 之间的排列关系，文章没有展开介绍。这其中应该另有隐情。 珞巴族、门巴族 都有父子连名制，他们生活在喜马拉雅山脉东南麓，已经深入缅甸印度，文化习俗上都开始偏离藏族。 我不清楚藏族有无父子连名制度，如果没有，也许说明滇区的 白、彝 民族之起源，并非朝廷认同的“南下”论。

季人

	[这个贴子最后由季人在 2002/09/29 03:32pm 编辑] “父子连名制”似乎另有所指，即把父亲名字最后的读音，作为儿女名字开头的读音推移取名。这在我国基诺族中仍然存在，如：姐右─右保─保姐─姐约─约八─八撒─撒姐─姐白腊─白腊约─约子……。 曾经看过一本关于彝族文化的书，里面也提到彝族采用这种取名方式。

浪人

	这种就是所谓的“父子连名制”，在我国少数民族中特别是“僚人”中是很常见的。   宋人吴处厚的《青箱杂记》载：“岭南风俗，相呼不以行弟，唯以各人所生男女小名，呼其父母。”明代桑悦的《咏壮俗》诗也说“姓同处处是华宗，朝甫先加老换公。”这些记载，指出了壮族的父子连名制的历史。以及称呼的递进情况。这种习俗，对于尊老爱幼有积极的因素，所以世代相传，成为流行于壮族民间的传统习惯。

季人

	我发现这种情况比较普遍，但是直接称呼老人自己的名字的似乎也有，不太常见。

沙南曼森

	我想,这个问题没有“芒果树下”说的那么简单。古代僚人没有普及姓氏，加上对子孙繁衍的渴望和尊崇，这种习俗是很自然的。这种称呼方式，在汉人居多或僚汉杂居的城市里必定会成不了气候，但在僚人聚居的其他地方，则会长期地广泛地存在下去，因为这能体现僚人的伦理道德观念，符合僚人的传统、习惯。

芒果树下

	有时候我会觉得这种叫法很别扭，事实上，在长者的辈分称呼前加上小孩的名字是忌讳直呼姓名的缘故。这和汉人的“孩子他爹”“孩子他娘”是一样的道理。我想以后这种称呼方式会慢慢消失……

浪子钢

	小时侯就有人叫我“公刚”，并不是叫我的爷爷，而是叫我。因为我辈分是他爷爷（远亲），但是年纪上我是个小孩，所以，“公”后面加上我的名字。 父**、母**、公**、婆**、搭**、呆**，一般**指的是第一个小孩，也就是老大的名字。