Tai People in Sipsongchutai - 僚人家园

http://coe.asafas.kyotou.ac.jp/news/InterEthnic%20Relations2002/(9)Pattiya.pdf

Maintenance, Revitalization and Integration into the Present Vietnamese Society

The Tai people are found to have settled in Myanmar, India, Southern China, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. Of those countries, only in Laos and Thailand does the major population belong in the Tai

language family. Elsewhere, the Tai are merely ethnic minority people in their original homeland. To survive and be accepted by the majority people, the Tai need to adjust their ways of living as well as their

culture to accord with the politics, administration and culture of those countries.

This paper studies the Tai in Northwestern Vietnam or Sipsongchutai to find out how the Tai, an ethnic minority group in the area, manages to maintain their ethnic identity and the same time to be accepted by the Vietnamese. The Tai in Sipsongchutai are particularly interesting as their situation differs from those of the Tai in Assam and Southern China. During the course of developing their Nation, the Vietnamese engaged in so many hard fought wars, the Tai people in Sipsongchutai or in the Northwestern part of Vietnam strongly participated with the Vietnamese so they certainly have a special place in the history of Vietnam.

From the study, it is found that culture and tradition of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai nowadays involve social processes including loss, maintenance, integration and revitalization. While, the Tai maintain their old ways of living based on traditional beliefs, they integrate some national culture of Vietnam into their own customs. Some of the long lost traditions are revived because of the Tai’s desire as well as the government’s support.

Northwestern Vietnam is the home of a number of different ethnic groups including Tai, Meo, Yao etc. Of those ethnic groups, Tai is considered to be the most important group as the Tai people constitute the largest population in the area and play a major part in the history of Vietnam. The Tai people of Northwestern Vietnam include Black Tai, White Tai, Tai Moc Chau, Tay Muang, Tai Muoi, Tay Thanh, Tay Deng, and several others. The groups can also be called according to the area in which they live. For example, the White Tai may be specified as Tai Muang Tac or Tai Muang Lay whereas the Black Tai may be referred to as Tai Muang Muay or Tai Muang La. Linguistically, the langauage of theTai people of Northwestern Vietnam or Sipsongchutai belong in the Tai Language Family or Tay-Thai in Vietnamese classification. It is different from Vietnamese, National Language of Vietnam which belong to the Austroasiatic Language Family.

Sipsongchutai is a mountainous region where rivers and streams flow into mountain plains making it a perfect site for people to settle down and build their kingdoms. With good irrigation system, rice

farming is practiced by the people in Sipsongchutai and its surrounding kingdoms including Sipsongpanna and Lanna. In addition to the Tai people, there are other ethnic groups living in Sipsongchutai as well. Meo is one of those groups setting up their houses in high mountains. Other smaller native groups such as Khang, Xing Mun, and Laha who were driven out of the mountain

plains now settle in the high lands where they grow dry-land rice and gather seasonal foods, or they may be forced to work for the Tai chiefs and farm the Tai’s rice field. After taking over the mountain plains,

the Tai people started to establish their local communities each of which had its own organization and was independent from one another. Each local community on each mountain plain was then

developed into a town or Muang with its own administration, economics and irrigation system. Each town had its own chief or fia or tao who would rule the town making decisions on community organization, irrigation system, land and water distribution, and other important matters. The Tai communities at this stage therefore evolved around the concept of nam hmuang muang tao “water, irrigation, town, chief.”

In order to expand his housing and cultivating territory, the Chief or fia or tao together with his people would have to fight other native people or even with the Tai of different groups. After the battle and the inclusion of new communities with his town, the Chief would appoint a leader called tao to see to the wellbeing of the people in the community, but the Chief or fia still ruled his town and its colonies. Such community leaders may be changed depending on the Chief’s decision to properly suit particular job

description. The people as the subjects of the Chief had certain duties to perform for the town. All the land belonged to the town ruled by the Chief. Such administration system employed then by the Tai is known as fia-tao system.

Major towns of the Tai people at that time included Muang Thaen, Muang La, Muang Sang etc. all of which had their own Chiefs.

town or muang luang, while other towns surrendered to the capital town. However, the Chief of the capital town would not interfere with internal affairs of his dependencies, but would instead look to provide help when it was needed. Because the capital town of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai was established based on the ability of its ruler, the capital town could be changed any time. The Great Chief who ruled the capital town was called anya muang luang while other Chiefs governing other towns were referred to as fia such as fia muang lai “the Chief of Muang Lai.”

The Tai people in Sipsongchutai were widely recognized and well accepted by the people of the neighboring kingdoms owing to the fact that the Tai had their own administrative system which divided people into two groups: 1) fia-tao group which included rulers and other public servants such as anya muang or chao muang ruling the capital town, fia or tao governing other towns, and tao, long, ong in charge of public services; 2) pai muang group who were commoners having certain functions in the community, for example, po hai mae na or po hap mae bae farming rice for their community and their own, khoi yao khon huen referring to a convict staying and working in the Chief’s house, khon guang or yok farming rice for the Chief, and puapay referring to other ethnic people being slaves in the Chief’s house.

Sipsongchutai Kingdom was bordered by three big kingdoms: China to the North, Luang Phrabang Kingdom to West and Vietnam to the Southeast. Despite its own administrative system, the Chiefs of

the Tai in Sipsongchutai had to exercise their diplomacy as well. No matter which Chief claimed the power and made himself the Great Chief, he needed to maintain good relationship with those neighboring

kingdoms. To refrain from Chinese invasion, not only did the Chiefs establish good diplomatic relations with Luang Phrabang and Vietnam, they also initiated friendly relations with the Ho tribe of China. When the neighbors engaged in a territory battle, the Tai Great Chief would have to send his Tai troops to help as in the case of the King of Vietnam. By the same token, when Sipsongchutai was invaded by the Chinese rebels, both the King of Vietnam and the Ho leader sent their troops to help fight the Chinese rebels.

Sipsongchutai Kingdom in Northwestern Vietnam was divided into three regions: the northern region had Muang Lay as its center, the central region had Muang Sang as its center and the southern region had Muang Muay as its center. At first, Muang Muay was the capital town of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai with much support from the Kings of Laos and Vietnam. After Muang Muay depreciated, the Chief of Muang Sang with support from the King of Vietnam took over the power and named Muang Sang Luang the great capital town of the Tai. Not long afterwards, Muang Muay regained its status as the capital town, and the capital changing situation continued depending on the Chief’s strength and ability.

Throughout the history of the town development of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai, Tai Chiefs seemed to establish close healthy relationship with the Kings of Vietnam. Likewise, the Kings of Vietnam seemed to hold an important role in Sipsongchutai protecting it from being invaded by the Chinese and other ethnic groups. Finally, under the administrative reform by King Yalong of Vietnam, some of the Tai towns were separated to be included in the Vietnamese territory forcing the Tai Chiefs to fight to take back their home

administration, the Tai region was divided into three administrative districts. Son La and Lai Chau, two districts with large Tai population, was administered by Tai Chiefs whereas Yen Bai, which had only two

Tai towns, was governed by the French. Furthermore, to follow the Tai traditional administrative system, France appointed the Tai Chief of Muang Muay from Son La District, the Great Chief or anya muang luang.

The Great Chief, however, did not have the same kind of power that he used to have before the French colonization. Regardless of France’s compromising administrative policy, some of the Tai who were not happy with the French colonization fled their homeland into the forest while some continued to fight the French to regain their independence. Those who complied with the French help the French take control over the Tai region. Therefore, when some unhappy Vietnamese founded the Communist Party, a lot of unhappy Tai joined force. Although the Communist Party of Vietnam was strictly subjugated by France, members of the Party continued their underground movement to strengthen their military force. In 1954,

with the Tai and Meo support in both war potential and food supply, the Communist Party of Vietnam finally destroyed the last France’s military base in Vietnam at Dien Bien Phu. The victory has brought

so much pride to both the Tai and the Vietnamese. When the armistice was signed in Geneva, the country was separated. Northern Vietnam was ruled by Ho Chi Minh while Southern Vietnam was governed by Ngo Dinh Diem. Sipsongchutai was included as a part of Northern Vietnam under the administration of Ho Chi Minh.

When the country was at peace, the Tai who once fled into the forest came back to their old settlement whereas those who complied with the French migrated to settle in France and the US. Ho Chi Minh

and his government restructured their administrative policy to accord with Ho Chi Minh’s communism. Because the Ho Chi Minh Administration recognized the importance of the Tai and Meo of Sipsongchutai

during the war time, they, in 1955, proclaimed Sipsongchutai the Tai-Meo Autonomous Area uniting all Tai towns appointing Tai Chiefs to administer their own towns under the supervision of the Secretary-

General of the Communist Party of the Northwestern District. They also renamed most Tai towns using Vietnamese language. Instead of calling the towns Muang, they used Vietnamese word Chau meaning

“district of the valley area.” For instance, Muang Lai was changed to Lai Chau and Muang Muay was called Thuan Chau. However, the Tai in Sipsongchutai continued to call all those Tai towns their Tai names.

Since there were ethnic people other than the Tai and the Meo inhabiting Sipsongchutai, the Ho Chi Minh Administration later named Sipsongchutai the Autonomous Area of the Northwest merging all towns into provinces. Ngia Lo Province consisted of Than Yuen, Van Chan, and Phu Yen; Son La Province included Moc Chau, Yen Chau, Mai Son, Muong La and Thuan Chau; and Lai Chau contained Dien Bien Phu, Muong Lai, Muong Te, Phong Tho, Sing Ho and Tua Chua. After the Vietnamese Government under Ho Chi Minh could unite Vietnam in 1975, they restructured the administrative system.

In the process, the Autonomous Area of the Northwest was dissolved and Sipsongchutai was completely united as a part of Vietnam under the administration of the Communist Party of Vietnam. From the summary of the historical background of Sipsongchutai, it is clearly seen that the Tai people have constantly changed and adjusted their ways of living. From free and independent lives to living under fia-tao, the Tai as pay muang owed certain duties to their homeland, having to make their own living, serving their own communities and fighting off invaders. Even when their homeland was united as a part of Vietnam, the Vietnamese Kings did not interfere with the Tai internal administrative affairs. Lives of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai changed when the French took control over Vietnam and Sipsongchutai region. From peaceful living, the Tai had to engage in the war against the French, flee their homeland or live their lives in the forest avoid being caught by the French. The role of the Tai Chiefs also declined; although the Chiefs were still allowed to rule their towns, decisions were made by the French rulers. When the Vietnamese movement against the French was established and Sipsongchutai was chosen as the assembly point due to its perfect geographical setting, the lives of the Tai changed once again. This

time, they had to adjust their ways of thinking to comply with the principles of the Communist movement and be a part of the Vietnamese administration which has remained until now.

After Vietnam and Laos agreed to stake out a clear boundary, Sipsongchutai was merged to become a part of Vietnam. As a result, the Tai in Sipsongchutai was politically considered Vietnamese. However, in practice, the Tai continued to lead their Tai lifestyle as they used to so much that the relation of the Tai as members of Vietnam seemed feeble. The turn started to take its course when the French occupied Vietnam and exercised their power into Sipsongchutai. The French colonization immensely affected the Tai society changing people’s ways of living causing people’s belief and tradition to change.

Originally, the Tai society was an ancestral paternal society consisting of extended families whose members descended from the same paternal ancestor. These family members lived together, related

to one another and had certain functions in the family. Families then came together, developed into a community under the supervision of a leader, and further developed into a town ruled by a chief. The Tai

community would develop its own unique ethnic identities that all Tai community members accepted and followed. The differences among local communities in each town lied in geographical area and the development of each paternal ancestry. On the other hand, the differences among towns were manifested through administrative as well as socioeconomic systems. That is, some towns were more

prestigious than others when they were capital of Sipsongchutai. Similarly, some Chiefs had more power when they were the Great Chiefs.

Regardless of the differences, all Tai in Sipsongchutai shared the same patterns of making a living whether they were hunting, fishing, gathering or transplanting paddy farms. Rice farming among the Tai were particularly notorious as they employed the valley irrigation system called hmuang fai lai rin allowing people to obtain fair amount of water for their farms. Each town was also recognized by their produces. For instance, Muang Chian was well known for its cotton while Muang Sang was popular for its fine tea and Muang Wat was known for its delicious mangoes.

The Tai identities can also be seen from their culture of house building, clothing, belief, rites and rituals. Nowadays, when we enter Sipsongchutai region, we will see wooden Tai houses built on stilt different from the houses of the Vietnamese and other ethnic people. Entering Tai villages, we will see Tai men and women in their ethnic costumes going about their daily activities around the houses. The present picture of the Tai people seem to show that they maintain their traditional ways of living. However, when we study in detail the society of the Tai in Sipsongchutai, we learn that such picture is merely a superficial description of the Tai society at the village level. At higher levels of the Tai society, the fia-tao administrative system, land and water distribution system, and others underwent several restructures starting from the time of the French colonization, to the battle of the Communist Party of Vietnam against the French, to regaining independence and uniting the country. Throughout the history of Vietnam, Sipsongchutai remained a landmark in which important historical events occurred. In particular, Dien Bien Phu where the French surrendered to the Vietnamese was a Tai town of Sipsongchutai.

Many changes in the Tai society took place during the French colonization. In terms of administrative system, the role and power of the Tai Chiefs decreased. Even though the Chiefs were left to rule

their towns, they were under the supervision of the French government who made decisions. The rest of the Tai struggled. Some fled to the forest while others joined the Vietnamese military force. After

the war ended, the Tai returned to their ancestral families in their original homeland constituting one ethnic group in the multiethnic Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The Tai had to face many changes and

At an early stage of the establishment of the country, it seemed that the Tai were recognized by the Vietnamese government as they proclaimed Sipsongchutai the Tai-Meo Autonomous Area. Because

the name included only two ethnic groups, the region was later changed to the Autonomous Area of the Northwest. The Vietnamese government at later times kept changing and adjusting administrative

system. Finally, the Autonomous Area was totally dissolved and all Tai towns in Sipsongchutai were organized the same way as other areas in Vietnam. The heart of the province became the center for

government organizations where the Vietnamese held high positions. Local people would have a shot at the top only if they were members of the Communist Party of Vietnam. The heart of the province was

also the center of a traditional market around which stores owned by the Vietnamese and a small number of the Tai were situated.

Because the role of the Tai town diminished in accordance with the local administrative policy of the Vietnamese government, culture and tradition relating to the town and the Chief also changed. When Sipsongchutai was a free region, the Chief would fairly distribute cultivating land to his people. Under the Vietnamese government and its land reform policy, cultivating land was still considered the property of the state that would be allocated to the people to work on communal paddy fields whereby they get to keep only five percent of the total produce. Under the commune system, the role of the Tai family institute was gradually limited. Family activities as well as other community culture were devalued. The Tai in Sipsongchutai have lived their lives under such restricted administration since Vietnam regained independence from France. The field study in 1999 reveals that the communal paddy field system was terminated in 1986.

Since then, the Communist Party of Vietnam have allowed the people to take on a major occupation, but the main occupation of the Tai in Sipsongchutai is still rice farming on the state land distributed by the government. The Tai farmers are allowed to keep all the produce, but they have to pay the land fee. Land adjustment is usually considered every one or three years depending on local committee. Although the majority of the Tai are farmers, Tai children have continually been provided with education since the French colonization even during the war. The education policy was supported also by Ho Chi Minh.

organizations, especially in the people’s committee. Some are businessmen. The field research in 1999 shows that some high-ranked officials of the Communist Party of Vietnam are Tai women. Thus, politics, administration and economics have caused radical changes in Sipsongchutai.

As mentioned previously, the Tai society in Vietnam has changed enormously in terms of social economic organizations, which has in turn affected the Tai traditional custom and belief. During the socioeconomic processes, the Tai have lost some of their cultural identities due to the fact that the Tai had to abandon their homeland during the war and that the Tai needed to adjust themselves to suit the Vietnamese culture and society. Unlike other ethnic groups, the Tai did not change themselves to be more like the Vietnamese. Instead, the Tai, as subjects of Vietnam, changed to fit the Vietnamese social conditions.

Acculturation processes of the Tai have been made easier by the Vietnamese government policy which declares Vietnam a multicultural country consisting of over 50 different ethnic groups. Under the policy, each ethnic group has the right to maintain its culture. Although the policy seems far-fetched, the government continues to support its policy by establishing Institute of Anthropology and Museum of Anthropology to research each and every ethnic group and to disseminate the knowledge to the public in general. In addition, the government has introduced ‘Tai Studies’ into National Universities’ curriculum allowing people to learn about the Tai both in and outside Vietnam. The government also supports mother tongue literacy programs in local communities by encouraging adults to teach the Black Tai language to Black Tai children, developing materials, revitalizing Black Tai orthography, recording Black Tai folk stories with Black Tai orthography, printing those stories and selling them in bookstores. Despite the government support, the program is not very successful as children have to attend schools in which Vietnamese is the medium of instruction as well as help their parents around the house. The Tai in Sipsongchutai are bilingual speaking both Tai and Vietnamese. Some elders aged over 70 can speak French as well.

Cultural beliefs are very important to the Tai, especially one that involves spirit. According to the Tai, there are many spirits, but the most important spirit for the people is ancestral spirit. Other spirits include house spirit, field spirit and town spirit all of which are under thaen, the supreme spirit. The Tai believe that luck, healthy, prosperity and happiness in people’s lives are brought about by the spirits’ protection. Therefore, each year, the Tai will hold customary worship to pay respect, thank and make a request for the spirit to protect them. Customs relating to the traditional beliefs of the Tai can be classified as follows:

b.Customs relating to people’s lives such as birth, marriage, housewarming and death

c.Customs relating to cultivation such as field spirits worship and rice spirit blessing

d.Customs relating to celebrations and festivals such as New Year celebration and commemoration days

Some of those customs which are the Tai heritage were depreciated while some were lost completely, especially those relating to the kingdom. For example, sen ban sen muang “customary town spirit worship” was lost because the fia-tao system was lost.

In the old days, the Tai would do sen muang followed by sen ban and then sen huen. Sen means spirit worship. Thus, sen muang means worshipping the spirit of the town guardian or the spirit of the Chief’s ancestor as well as the water and soil spirits. Sen ban means worshipping the spirit of the village guardian. To do sen muang, the Tai would kill a buffalo to propitiate the spirits, but they would sacrifice a pig in sen ban. Sen huen is family tradition to worship the ancestor’s spirits and pray for their blessing.

In a lifetime, from the first day they are born to the day they die, people go through different stages of Their lives in which their status is constantly changed. The Tai have traditional customs that they believe will help bring luck and prosperity to the person whose status is changing, their parents, siblings, cousins and friend. The customs mean a lot to the Tai and their family members. The customs give detail of every important event in a person’s lifecycle including getting married which marks the beginning of new family creating more family members, giving birth, welcoming the spirit of newborn and death. According to the Tai belief, death signifies a change of human status and his living place from this world to the next spirit

world. When they die, people will be living in the spirit world with the same ancestor of the present world. Therefore, children have to prepare some necessary for their dead parents to take with them to the spirit world so that they can live a comfortable life there (1).

Since the majority of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai are farmers, many rites and rituals are practiced to pray for prosperity and to create good spirits as well as willpower for the farmers. Cultivation customs start from welcoming the field spirit at the beginning of the cultivating season followed by welcoming the rice spirit when paddy plants begin to develop ears. Afterwards, the custom of eating new rice is practiced followed by rice harvesting custom. After the rice spirit has protected the rice plants throughout farming season, the Tai will invite the rice spirit back to the barn. When rice harvesting is finished, the Tai will give thanks to the spirit for good produce.

special people most of whom already died also contribute to the loss of some of the Tai traditional customs. Moreover, celebrations, cultivating customs and other rituals were not encouraged by the

Vietnamese government because the Communist Party of Vietnam held the policy that promoted unity and equality for all Vietnamese citizens preventing the Tai from following their old traditions.

As for the Tai themselves, being a big part of the history of Vietnam, living under the Vietnamese administration and being recognized as an ethnic group with long history, the Tai feel that Vietnam is their home and that they belong in Vietnam. When the Tai take part in the national traditions locally at such occasions as National Day, National Children’s Day, Ho Chi Minh Commemoration Day, Independence Celebration Day and others, the Tai adopt those traditions and integrate them into their old ways of living.

Although the Tai do not adopt the rituals of the national traditions, the Tai realize those are national holidays. Because the Tai still maintain their traditional beliefs, other national beliefs of the Vietnamese do not interfere with the Tai ways of living. The only Vietnamese tradition that is widely incorporated and heavily celebrated by the Tai is the Vietnamese New Year. The reason behind this may lie in the fact that Vietnamese New Year tradition signifies celebration, season changing, ancestral thanksgiving and hope. Not only is New Year the tradition that links family members to their dead ancestors, it also reveals the relationship between human beings and their immediate environ. For the Vietnamese, New Year is also the time that all family members get together to start the new year the way it should be. The concept is similar to sen huen of the Tai, as a result, the Tai in some villages do sen huen together with celebrating the Vietnamese New Year. Considering the way the Tai carry on their traditions within social processes, it is obvious that the Tai adopt some culture of the Vietnamese to show that they are a part of the Vietnamese culture while maintaining their own culture. Furthermore, the practice of some traditions, in particular the New Year celebration, shows that the Tai also integrate some culture of the Vietnamese into their own. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that the Tai have double ethnic cultural identity.

Not long ago after the UNESCO released a policy promoting the maintenance of ethnic cultures, especially those of endangered groups, and supporting indigenous people, the Vietnamese government

started to put more emphasis on ethnic diversity. Museum of ethnic people project originated by the Vietnamese government is supported by the UNESCO. Ethnicity experts have kept on conducting

in-depth field research until the government sees the importance of ethnic culture. Now that different ways of living among ethnic people can be developed into the sales product for tourists bringing more

income into the country, the Vietnamese government tries even harder to encourage the ethnic people to maintain their identities. As for the Tai, the local committee, in coordination with the village committee,

have revitalized sen ban sen muang “town and village spirits worship,” an important ceremony in the past that was lost long time ago. Any village capable of revitalizing long lost traditions and putting up great exhibition will be named “Village of Culture” so that tourists can come and study more. Some ethnic villages in the North even set up a home stay for tourists to stay over and learn their culture.

At present, the Vietnamese government realizes the importance of life improvement in terms of education, public health, occupation and infra structure for the ethnic people, especially those living

in the North of the country. The Tai people in Sipsongchutai have developed a better relationship with the Vietnamese concerning government work and community services. The Vietnamese government has encouraged the Vietnamese to settle in the center area of each district and at the same time assigned the Vietnamese officials at the local level to work in Sipsongchutai. The Tai families have accepted intermarriage between Tai members and other ethnic people, especially the Vietnamese. Some Tai, particularly the local government officials, have adjusted the ways they dress up, talk and live their lives to blend in with the Vietnamese as much as possible.

Although the Tai ethnic identities can still be observed marriage ceremony, house building, rituals and beliefs, and are clearly manifested through the pride in their ethnicity, it is certain that the Tai society will continue to change and that the change is likely to lean toward the Vietnamese society and culture. Throughout those times they were struggling to rebuild the homeland, the Tai had already learned to adjust to the national policy in order to survive and be accepted by the Vietnamese. The Tai, therefore, adopt the national tradition and culture and integrate it with their own to suit their ways of living. The Vietnamese government must have realized that as well. They as a result have not forced the Tai to give up their identity, but accepted the notion of ethnic diversity. Regardless of social, political and economic reasons, the government’s policy to revive local culture confirms the thought. However, it is believed that whether the Tai in Sipsongchutai will stick with their culture or adopt others’ and integrate it with their own

(1) For more detail on traditions of the Tai people, see Pattiya Jimreivat (1998) History, Society and Culture in Sipsongchutai.

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Dang Nghiem Van (ed.) 1975. Tu Liem Ve Lich Su Va Xa Hoi Dan Toc Th. Hanoi: Nha Xuat Ban Khoa Hoc Xa Hoi.

Fase, Willem, Koen Jaspaert and Sjaak Kroon (eds.) 1992. Maintenance and Loss of Minority Languages. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Kanh, Joel S. (ed.) 1998. Southeast Asian Identities: Culture and the Politics of Representation in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

Pattiya Jimreivat 1998. “History, Society and Culture of Sipsongchutai.” Research in the Project of History, Society and Culture of the Tai People, supported by Office of the Research Fund of Thailand.

越南西北部有一条山脉，在中文地图上标为“拾宋早再山”，越南版英文地图上则标为“XU XUNG CHAO CHAI RANGE”，这山脉在山萝省（Son La）西部、莱州省（Lai Chau）南部，沱江（Song Da，Da River）以西。几年前我第一次注意到“拾宋早再山”这个地名的时候，就意识到了它与“西双版纳”可能的关系。

关于“ Sipsongchutai ”，上文用的表述是“the Tai in Northwestern Vietnam or Sipsongchutai ”或“the Tai people in Sipsongchutai or in the Northwestern part of Vietnam”。这应该可以理解为“ Sipsongchutai ”是越南西北部泰区的另一个名称。

我的英语也不好，不过可以借助词典尝试翻译一下，以期能对贝侬们了解这篇文章有所助益。由于是一边看一边翻译，可能看到后面会发现前面有不恰当或错误的地方，请各位贝侬指正，我也会随时回过头来修改。

锡朴乌台山区泰人的文化与传统：保持、复兴及融入越南现代社会

The Tai people are found to have settled in Myanmar, India, Southern China, Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. Of those countries, only in Laos and Thailand does the major population belong in the Tai language family. Elsewhere, the Tai are merely ethnic minority people in their original homeland. To survive and be accepted by the majority people, the Tai need to adjust their ways of living as well as their culture to accord with the politics, administration and culture of those countries.

泰人居住在缅甸、印度、中国南部、越南、老挝和泰国。上述国家中只有老挝和泰国的主要人口属于泰语系。在其他地方，泰人在他们的故土仅仅属于少数民族。要想幸存下来并被主体民族接受，泰人需要改变他们的生活方式及文化以适应所在国的政治、行政管理及文化。

这篇论文旨在研究越南西北部或称“锡朴乌台山区”的泰人，以找出泰人作为这一地区的少数族群，如何在保持他们的民族特征的同时为越南人所接受。值得注意的是，锡朴乌台山区泰人的境遇与印度阿萨姆邦（位于印度东北部）和中国南部的泰人有所不同。在国家发展的过程中，越南人经历了多次艰苦的战争，锡朴乌台山区或者说越南西北部的泰人和越南人休戚与共，因此当之无愧地在越南历史中占有特殊地位。

研究发现，锡朴乌台泰人的文化和传统今天已经与社会发展息息相关，历经流失、保持、融合和复兴的过程。泰人保持他们建立在传统信仰之上的古老生活方式，同时也将某些越南的本国文化融入到自己的习俗中。有些长期以来已经流失的传统又由于泰人的意愿加上政府的支持而重获新生。

越南西北部是泰、苗、瑶等不同民族的家园。在这些民族中，泰人由于在这一地区人口最多而且在越南历史中占有重要的地位，被认为是最重要的族群。越南西北部的泰人包括黑泰（Black Tai）、白泰（White Tai）、木州泰（Tai Moc Chau）、Tay Muang、Tai Muoi、Tay Thanh、Tay Deng等支系。这些支系也可以以他们的居住地命名。比如说，白泰被称为Tai Muang Tac或Tai Muang Lay，而黑泰被称为Tai Muang Muay或Tai Muang La。从语言学的意义上说，越南西北部或者说锡朴乌台山区泰人在越南的分类方法中属于Tai或者Tay-Thai语系，有别于属于南亚语系的越南国语——越南语。

Sipsongchutai is a mountainous region where rivers and streams flow into mountain plains making it a perfect site for people to settle down and build their kingdoms. With good irrigation system, rice farming is practiced by the people in Sipsongchutai and its surrounding kingdoms including Sipsongpanna and Lanna. In addition to the Tai people, there are other ethnic groups living in Sipsongchutai as well. Meo is one of those groups setting up their houses in high mountains. Other smaller native groups such as Khang, Xing Mun, and Laha who were driven out of the mountain plains now settle in the high lands where they grow dry-land rice and gather seasonal foods, or they may be forced to work for the Tai chiefs and farm the Tai's rice field. After taking over the mountain plains, the Tai people started to establish their local communities each of which had its own organization and was independent from one another. Each local community on each mountain plain was then developed into a town or Muang with its own administration, economics and irrigation system. Each town had its own chief or fia or tao who would rule the town making decisions on community organization, irrigation system, land and water distribution, and other important matters. The Tai communities at this stage therefore evolved around the concept of nam hmuang muang tao “water, irrigation, town, chief.”

锡朴乌台是个多山的区，众多江河与溪流汇入山间的平原，使之成为适合人们定居并建立王国的乐土。借助出色的灌溉系统，锡朴乌台泰人与周边的西双版纳、兰纳（Lanna）王国的人们一样开垦稻田。除了泰人，还有其他民族也生活在锡朴乌台。住在高地的苗族是其中之一。另外一些更小的民族如抗族（Khang）、欣门族（Xing Mun）和拉哈族（Laha）被从山间平原驱赶到高地，在那里他们种植旱稻并采集季节性的食物，或者被迫为泰人头领工作，耕种泰人的稻田。占据了山间平原之后，泰人开始建立众多的地方社团，这些社团拥有自己的组织机构并彼此独立。每个山间平原的地方社团都发展成城镇，即“Muang”，拥有自己的行政、经济和灌溉系统。每个城镇都有自己的头领，即“fia”或“tao”，以决定社团组织、灌溉系统、土地和水的分配及其他重要事务。这个时期的泰人社团由此围绕“nam hmuang muang tao”（水源、灌溉、城镇和头领）的理念发展起来。

Major towns of the Tai people at that time included Muang Thaen, Muang La, Muang Sang etc. all of which had their own Chiefs.

当时的主要泰人城镇包括Muang Thaen、Muang La、Muang Sang等。他们都拥有自己的头领。

The Tai of one town sometimes united with those of the other towns helping one another claim the lands of others. In the end, the most powerful town with the strongest Chief would be founded the capital town or muang luang, while other towns surrendered to the capital town. However, the Chief of the capital town would not interfere with internal affairs of his dependencies, but would instead look to provide help when it was needed. Because the capital town of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai was established based on the ability of its ruler, the capital town could be changed any time. The Great Chief who ruled the capital town was called anya muang luang while other Chiefs governing other towns were referred to as fia such as fia muang lai “the Chief of Muang Lai.”

一个城镇的泰人有时会与别的城镇团结起来，帮助其他城镇兼并领地。最终，当其他城镇向拥有强悍头领的最强大的城镇投降，它就会成为都城，或者叫“muang luang”。都城的头领并不会干涉属地的内政，但会照看它们以便在需要时施以援手。由于锡朴乌台泰人都城的确立取决于其统治者的实力，因此都城有可能随时改变。统治都城的大首领被称为“anya muang luang”，而治理其他城镇的头领被称为“fia”，比如“fia muang lai”（Muang Lai的头领）。

The Tai people in Sipsongchutai were widely recognized and well accepted by the people of the neighboring kingdoms owing to the fact that the Tai had their own administrative system which divided people into two groups: 1) fia-tao group which included rulers and other public servants such as anya muang or chao muang ruling the capital town, fia or tao governing other towns, and tao, long, ong in charge of public services; 2) pai muang group who were commoners having certain functions in the community, for example, po hai mae na or po hap mae bae farming rice for their community and their own, khoi yao khon huen referring to a convict staying and working in the Chief's house, khon guang or yok farming rice for the Chief, and puapay referring to other ethnic people being slaves in the Chief’s house.

锡朴乌台山区泰人为邻国的人们所熟知并认可。这是由于泰人拥有自己的管理体系，这种体系把泰人分成两种群体：1)“fia-tao”群体，包括统治者和其他公仆，比如统治都城的“anya muang”或“chao muang”，管理其他城镇的“fia”或“tao”，以及从事公众服务的“tao”、“long”和“ong”。2) “pai muang”群体，他们是在社团中扮演特定角色的平民，例如“po hai mae na”或“mae bae”负责耕种社团、城镇和他们自己的稻田，“khoi yao khon huen”指在头领家中工作的服刑者，“khon guang”或“yok”为头领耕田，而“puapay”指充当头领家奴的异族。

Sipsongchutai Kingdom was bordered by three big kingdoms: China to the North, Luang Phrabang Kingdom to West and Vietnam to the Southeast. Despite its own administrative system, the Chiefs of the Tai in Sipsongchutai had to exercise their diplomacy as well. No matter which Chief claimed the power and made himself the Great Chief, he needed to maintain good relationship with those neighboring kingdoms. To refrain from Chinese invasion, not only did the Chiefs establish good diplomatic relations with Luang Phrabang and Vietnam, they also initiated friendly relations with the Ho tribe of China. When the neighbors engaged in a territory battle, the Tai Great Chief would have to send his Tai troops to help as in the case of the King of Vietnam. By the same token, when Sipsongchutai was invaded by the Chinese rebels, both the King of Vietnam and the Ho leader sent their troops to help fight the Chinese rebels.

锡朴乌台王国与三个大王国为邻：北边是中国，西边是琅勃拉邦（Luang Phrabang）王国（位于今老挝），东南方向则是越南。除了自己的行政体系，锡朴乌台泰人的头领在外交方面也很出色。无论哪个头领获得权力并自称大首领，他都需要和邻国保持友好的关系。为了防止来自中国的入侵，头领不仅与琅勃拉邦和越南建立良好的外交关系，还要和中国的Ho族发展友谊。当邻国忙于领土战争的时候，泰人头领会派遣他的军队去助战，比如帮助越南的国王。同样的，当锡朴乌台被中国的叛乱者侵入时，越南国王和Ho族的首领也会派遣军队来帮助他们打击中国叛军。

越南西北部的锡朴乌台王国被分为三个地区：以Muang Lay为中心的北部、以Muang Sang为中心的中部和以Muang Muay为中心的南部。最初，Muang Muay是锡朴乌台泰人的都城，获得来自老挝和越南国王的支持。在Muang Muay衰落之后，Muang Sang的头领在越南国王的支持下夺权，把Muang Sang Luang命名为泰人的都城。不久，Muang Muay又重新获得作为都城的地位。伴随着头领实力的消长，这种都城变迁的情况一直在延续。

贯穿在锡朴乌台泰人城镇发展的历史中，泰人头领们看起来与越南的历代国王建立了亲密而健康的联系。同样的，越南历代国王也似乎在锡朴乌台扮演重要角色，保护它免受中国人及其他部族的侵犯。最后，经过越南的Yalong国王的政治变革，一些泰人城镇被分割出来，纳入了越南的版图，迫使泰人头领不得不为夺回领地而战斗。

In 1858, Vietnam signed Traite Pate Notre, agreement with France surrendering to the French and allowing France to make their presence in Sipsongchutai. With support from the Chinese, the Tai and the Vietnamese who denied the French control united to fight off the French. The battle went on until the Tiansin Treaty was signed between China and France and the Chinese commanders who had helped the Tai in the battle against France had to go back to China. Without help from the Chinese, the Tai continued to fight but agreed to an armistice in 1890. After France occupied Sipsongchutai in 1896, France negotiated with China and Laos to stake out a boundary in the region. Having occupied Sipsongchutai region, France still allowed the Tai Chiefs to govern their own Tai towns. Under the French administration, the Tai region was divided into three administrative districts. Son La and Lai Chau, two districts with large Tai population, was administered by Tai Chiefs whereas Yen Bai, which had only two Tai towns, was governed by the French. Furthermore, to follow the Tai traditional administrative system, France appointed the Tai Chief of Muang Muay from Son La District, the Great Chief or anya muang luang.

1858年，越南签署《Traite Pate Notre》条约，向法国投降，允许法国人进入锡朴乌台。在中国人的帮助下，泰人和反对法国的越南人联合起来击退法国人。战争一直持续到中法签署《天津条约》，中国领导人命令在抗法战斗中帮助泰人的军队退回中国。尽管没有中国人的帮助，泰人仍继续战斗，直到1890年才同意休战。1896年法国人占领锡朴乌台之后，法国和中国及老挝谈判，在这一地区划定边界。虽然占领了锡朴乌台，法国人仍允许泰人的头领们治理自己的泰人城镇。在法国人的管理下，泰人地区被分成三个行政区。泰人人口众多的山萝（Son La）和莱州（Lai Chau）由只拥有两个泰人城镇的泰人首领Yen Bai治理，并在法国人的管辖之下。而且，为了遵从泰人传统的管理体系，法国从山萝指定了Muang Muay的泰人头领，称为大首领或“anya muang luang”。

The Great Chief, however, did not have the same kind of power that he used to have before the French colonization. Regardless of France's compromising administrative policy, some of the Tai who were not happy with the French colonization fled their homeland into the forest while some continued to fight the French to regain their independence. Those who complied with the French help the French take control over the Tai region. Therefore, when some unhappy Vietnamese founded the Communist Party, a lot of unhappy Tai joined force. Although the Communist Party of Vietnam was strictly subjugated by France, members of the Party continued their underground movement to strengthen their military force. In 1954, with the Tai and Meo support in both war potential and food supply, the Communist Party of Vietnam finally destroyed the last France's military base in Vietnam at Dien Bien Phu. The victory has brought so much pride to both the Tai and the Vietnamese. When the armistice was signed in Geneva, the country was separated. Northern Vietnam was ruled by Ho Chi Minh while Southern Vietnam was governed by Ngo Dinh Diem. Sipsongchutai was included as a part of Northern Vietnam under the administration of Ho Chi Minh.

然而，大首领失去了一些他在法国殖民者到来之前拥有的权力。即使法国人采取折中的管理政策，一些不喜欢法国殖民者的泰人还是逃进了丛林，而一些人则为了重获独立继续与法国人战斗。那些顺从于法国的人帮助法国控制了泰人地区。所以，当一些不满的越南人建立了共产党，很多同样不满的泰人加入了他们的武装。尽管越南共产党受到法国人的严厉压制，党员们还是继续从事地下活动以加强军事力量。1954年，由于得到泰人和苗人在军事和食品供应上的支持，越南共产党最终摧毁了法国位于奠边府的最后一个军事基地。泰人和越南人都为这个胜利感到自豪。停战协议在日内瓦签署之后，越南被分成了两个部分。北部由胡志明领导，而南部由吴庭艳统治。锡朴乌台成为胡志明领导下的北越的一部分。

When the country was at peace, the Tai who once fled into the forest came back to their old settlement whereas those who complied with the French migrated to settle in France and the US. Ho Chi Minh and his government restructured their administrative policy to accord with Ho Chi Minh's communism. Because the Ho Chi Minh Administration recognized the importance of the Tai and Meo of Sipsongchutai during the war time, they, in 1955, proclaimed Sipsongchutai the Tai-Meo Autonomous Area uniting all Tai towns appointing Tai Chiefs to administer their own towns under the supervision of the Secretary- General of the Communist Party of the Northwestern District. They also renamed most Tai towns using Vietnamese language. Instead of calling the towns Muang, they used Vietnamese word Chau meaning “district of the valley area.” For instance, Muang Lai was changed to Lai Chau and Muang Muay was called Thuan Chau. However, the Tai in Sipsongchutai continued to call all those Tai towns their Tai names.

当国家恢复和平，曾经逃进丛林的泰人回到他们的故土，顺从于法国的人则移民到法国和美国。胡志明和他的政府修订了他们的政策以符合胡的共产主义信念。胡志明政府基于战争期间泰人和苗人所起的重要作用，于1955年宣布锡朴乌台为泰－苗自治区，把所有泰人城镇联合起来，任命泰人头领来治理他们的城镇，并置于西北地区共产党总书记的监督之下。他们还用越南语为大多数泰人城镇重新命名，用越南语中表示“山谷地区”的“Chau”来代替“Muang”作为城镇的名字。例如，Muang Lai被改成Lai Chau（莱州），而Muang Muay变成了Thuan Chau。但锡朴乌台泰人还是用泰语名称来称呼他们的城镇。

由于锡朴乌台还有泰和苗之外的其他民族居住，胡志明政府后来把锡朴乌台命名为“西北自治区”，把所有城镇划入各省份。Ngia Lo省包括Than Yuen、Van Chan和Phu Yen；山萝省包括Moc Chau、Yen Chau、Mai Son、Muong La和Thuan Chau；莱州省则包含Dien Bien Phu、Muong Lai、Muong Te、Phong Tho、Sing Ho和Tua Chua。

在这个过程中，西北自治区被分拆了，锡朴乌台完全成为越南的一部分，由越南共产党管理。结合锡朴乌台简要的历史背景，可以清楚地看到泰人一直在改变和调整他们的生活方式。从无拘无束的自由到生活在“fia-tao”体系中，泰人作为对他们的故乡负有特定责任的“pay muang”，必须为自己谋生、为自己的社团服务并与入侵者战斗。即使他们的故乡成为越南的一部分，越南国王也没有干预泰人的内部管理。在法国控制越南和锡朴乌台地区之后，锡朴乌台泰人的生活发生了变化，告别平静的生活，投身反抗法国人的战斗、逃离故土或者逃入丛林以躲避法国人的追捕。泰人头领的地位也衰落了，尽管仍然获准管理他们的城镇，决定权却在法国统治者手中。当越南抗法运动兴起，锡朴乌台被选为理想的根据地，泰人的生活再次改变。这一次，他们不得不转变观念以符合共产主义运动的信条，由此成为越南政区的一部分并延续至今。

在越南和老挝划定边界后，锡朴乌台成为越南的一部分，导致锡朴乌台泰人在政治意义上成为了越南人。但实际上泰人仍大量保持他们从前的生活方式，以致他们与越南之间的联系很弱。变化始于法国对越南的占领和在锡朴乌台行使权力。法国殖民者给泰人社会带来巨大的影响，改变人们的生存状态，导致他们的信仰和传统发生了转变。

Originally, the Tai society was an ancestral paternal society consisting of extended families whose members descended from the same paternal ancestor. These family members lived together, related to one another and had certain functions in the family. Families then came together, developed into a community under the supervision of a leader, and further developed into a town ruled by a chief. The Tai community would develop its own unique ethnic identities that all Tai community members accepted and followed. The differences among local communities in each town lied in geographical area and the development of each paternal ancestry. On the other hand, the differences among towns were manifested through administrative as well as socioeconomic systems. That is, some towns were more prestigious than others when they were capital of Sipsongchutai. Similarly, some Chiefs had more power when they were the Great Chiefs.

原先的泰人社会是一个父系传承的社会，由众多从同一个父系祖先衍生出来的大家族组成。家族成员生活在一起，彼此关联并在家族中承担特定职责。家族联合成由领导者管理的社团，并进一步发展成由头领统治的城镇。泰人社团会形成自己独特的民族特征，为所有成员所接受并遵从。地方社团之间的区别在于各自的生活地域和父系家谱。另一方面，城镇之间在行政地位上和社会经济上的差异同样显而易见。换句话说，成为锡朴乌台都城的城镇会享有更高的声望。类似的，成为大首领的头领将拥有更大权力。

如果忽略其中的差异，无论他们打猎、捕鱼、采集还是耕田，所有的锡朴乌台泰人都拥有相同的生活模式。泰人的稻田以名为“hmuang fai lai rin”的流域灌溉系统著称，这种系统保证人们的稻田得到公平的水量。每个城镇又以他们的特产闻名，例如Muang Chian因棉花驰名，Muang Sang的好茶广受欢迎，而Muang Wat以美味的芒果为人称道。

泰人的特征同样表现在他们的建筑文化、服饰、信仰、仪式和典礼中。今天，当我们走进锡朴乌台地区，可以看到和越南人或其他民族有所不同的泰人高脚木屋。进入泰人村寨，我们还会看到泰族男女在屋子周围按照民族习惯从事各种日常活动。这种泰人生活图景表明他们仍保持着传统的生活方式。但是当我们深入了解锡朴乌台的泰人社会，就会发现这种对泰人社会描述只是停留在村寨这个肤浅层面。在更高的层面上，泰人社会的“fia-tao”管理体制、土地和水的分配机制等，在从法国殖民时期到越南共产党的抗法战争期间、重新获得独立又融入越南的过程中都发生了变化。在越南历史中，锡朴乌台成为各种重大历史的里程碑。例如，法国人向越南人投降的奠边府就是位于锡朴乌台的一个泰人城镇。

Many changes in the Tai society took place during the French colonization. In terms of administrative system, the role and power of the Tai Chiefs decreased. Even though the Chiefs were left to rule their towns, they were under the supervision of the French government who made decisions. The rest of the Tai struggled. Some fled to the forest while others joined the Vietnamese military force. After the war ended, the Tai returned to their ancestral families in their original homeland constituting one ethnic group in the multiethnic Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The Tai had to face many changes and other new world's dimensions brought into the Tai society.

在法国殖民时期，泰人社会发生了很多变化。行政体制方面，泰人头领的地位和权力都衰落了。尽管头领们还被允许治理他们的城镇，但要听命于当权的法国政府。其余的泰人则在战斗，他们逃入丛林，有些加入了越南军队。当战争结束，泰人重归家园，成为多民族的越南社会主义共和国中的一员。泰人必须面对很多改变，新世界的方方面面也被带进泰人社会。

At an early stage of the establishment of the country, it seemed that the Tai were recognized by the Vietnamese government as they proclaimed Sipsongchutai the Tai-Meo Autonomous Area. Because the name included only two ethnic groups, the region was later changed to the Autonomous Area of the Northwest. The Vietnamese government at later times kept changing and adjusting administrative system. Finally, the Autonomous Area was totally dissolved and all Tai towns in Sipsongchutai were organized the same way as other areas in Vietnam. The heart of the province became the center for government organizations where the Vietnamese held high positions. Local people would have a shot at the top only if they were members of the Communist Party of Vietnam. The heart of the province was also the center of a traditional market around which stores owned by the Vietnamese and a small number of the Tai were situated.

在国家建立初期，泰人似乎颇受越南政府重视，他们把锡朴乌台宣布为泰－苗自治区。因为这个名称只包含了两个民族，后来这个地区又改称西北自治区。后来越南政府继续改变行政管理体制。自治区最终被拆分，所有锡朴乌台泰人城镇被像越南其他地方一样加以组织。省会成为政府机构的中心，由越南人担任要职。只有加入越南共产党的本地人才有机会身居高位。省会同时也是周边传统市场的中心，商店大多属于越南人，只有少数为泰人所有。

按照越南政府的地方管理政策，泰人城镇所扮演的角色被削弱了，与城镇及头领相关的文化和传统也随之改变。当锡朴乌台还是一个自由区时，头领可以把土地公平地分配给他的人民。越南政府的土地改革把耕地收归国有，分配给人们耕种。人们耕种公有的稻田，只能保留所有农产品的5%。在公社制度里，泰人家族组织的作用也逐渐受到限制。家族行为的价值和其他社会文化一样被贬抑。自从越南从法国人手中重获独立，锡朴乌台泰人就在这样严格的管理下生活。1999年的实地调查表明，1986年后，公社土地制度结束了。

其后，越南共产党允许人民担任重要职务，但锡朴乌台泰人的主要职务仍是在政府分配的土地上种稻谷。泰人农民可以保留所有的农产品，但必须交纳土地使用费。地方委员会负责考虑每一年或三年进行土地调整。虽然泰人大多数都是农民，但他们的孩子从法国殖民时期起就一直获得教育，甚至战争期间也不例外。胡志明也同样支持这种教育政策。

Despite constant changes, it is felt that, compared to other ethnic minorities, the Tai have greatly integrated themselves into the Vietnamese society. A lot of the Tai have worked in local government organizations, especially in the people’s committee. Some are businessmen. The field research in 1999 shows that some high-ranked officials of the Communist Party of Vietnam are Tai women. Thus, politics, administration and economics have caused radical changes in Sipsongchutai.

尽管情况一直在变化，相对于其他少数民族，泰人似乎还是更多地融入了越南社会。很多泰人在地方政府部门中工作，尤其是人民委员会，有些则成了商人。1999年的实地调查显示有些越南共产党的高层职位由泰人妇女担任。由此可见，政治、管理和经济各方面因素都使锡朴乌台发生了急剧的变化。

3. 泰人的文化、传统及其转变正如前面提到的，越南泰人社会在社会经济体制上发生巨大的变化，这种变化随后影响了泰人的传统风俗和信仰。在社会经济的发展过程中，由于在战争中被迫背井离乡，加上必须自我调整以适应越南文化和社会，泰人失去了自身的某些文化特性。和其他少数民族不同，泰人没有变得和越南人更加相似，而是作为越南的国民通过改变来适应越南的社会环境。

越南政府宣称越南是一个由超过50个民族组成的多民族国家，这一政策使泰人的文化适应过程变得更加容易。在这样的政策下，每个民族都有权保持自己的文化。尽管看起来任重道远，政府还是不断建立很多人类学研究机构和博物馆来对每个民族加以研究，并向公众普及相关知识。政府还在国立大学中引入“泰研究”课程，允许人们研究越南国内外的泰人。政府同样支持地方社团中的母语文艺项目，鼓励向黑泰儿童教授黑泰语，发掘素材，重订黑泰语的拼写，用黑泰文记录黑泰民间传说并出版，在书店中发售。虽然得到政府的支持，这个项目还是不太成功，因为孩子们必须进入用越南语授课的学校，和他们的父母接受同样的教育。锡朴乌台的泰人大都同时使用泰语和越南语，有些70岁以上的老人还会讲法语。

a. Customs relating to spirits worship b. Customs relating to people’s lives such as birth, marriage, housewarming and death c. Customs relating to cultivation such as field spirits worship and rice spirit blessing d. Customs relating to celebrations and festivals such as New Year celebration and commemoration days

文化上的信仰于泰人而言非常重要，尤其是与神灵相关的信仰。按照泰人的想法，世间存在着众多神灵，但对人们来说最为重要的是祖先的灵魂。其他如房屋的神、田地的神和城镇的神都比名为“thaen”的最高神的地位要低。泰人相信生活中运气、健康、兴盛和幸福都来自神的护佑。所以，每年泰人都要依照惯例祭神，对神表示尊敬、感谢并请求保佑。和泰人传统信仰的习俗可分成以下几类：

a. 和拜神有关的习俗 b. 和日常生活如出生、结婚、迁徙和死亡等相关的习俗 c. 和耕作有关的习俗，例如祭拜田地神、稻米神 d. 和庆典、节日有关的习俗，比如新年和纪念日

过去，泰人会举行“sen muang”，然后是“sen ban”，接着是“sen huen”。“Sen”的意思是对神的祭拜。“Sen muang”就是祭拜城镇的守卫神，或者首领的祖先，同时也是水与土的神。“Sen ban”是祭拜村寨的守护神。为了“sen muang”，泰人要杀水牛来献给神，而“sen ban”时杀猪作为祭品。“Sen huen”是家族传统，祭拜祖先的灵魂并祈祷他们的保佑。

从出生第一天到死去，人们经历不同的人生阶段，他们的生活状态也在不断变化。泰人坚信的传统习俗为处在变化中的人及其父母、兄弟姐妹和亲友带来运气和繁荣。习俗对泰人和他们的家庭成员来说意义重大。习俗赋予人生的每个重大事件丰富的细节，包括意味着新家庭的建立和更多家庭成员加入的婚姻、诞生、迎接掌握新生和死亡的神。在泰人的信仰中，死亡意味着人生存状态的改变，他的居住地由这个世界迁往下一个神的世界。当人们死去，他们将生活在和现在的世界拥有共同祖先的神的世界。因此，孩子们必须为死去的父母准备一些必需品，让他们带往神的世界，以便在那里舒适地生活。

由于大部分锡朴乌台的泰人都从事农业，很多典礼仪式被用以祈祷丰收，根据农民们的愿望创造出善良的神灵。耕作习俗从耕种季节之初欢迎田地神开始，然后是在稻谷开始抽穗时迎接稻谷神，接着依次是尝新谷的习俗和收获习俗。稻谷神完成整个耕种季节里对稻谷的护佑之后，泰人把它请回谷仓。当收获结束，泰人还要为好收成向神表示感谢。

Kin jiang or New Year is very important for the lives of the Tai people in Sipsongchutai. Generally, after New Year celebration, the Tai will worship all kinds of spirits. From the time of the Vietnamese movement to regain the independence from the French, the Tai had to leave their home to live in the forest or cave. Thus, the traditional customs which reflect the Tai identities were mostly lost. Even the country were at peace and the people came back to their old settlement, some traditions such as town and village spirits worship were still lost due to social changes. The fact that some rituals of the Tai must be performed by special people most of whom already died also contribute to the loss of some of the Tai traditional customs. Moreover, celebrations, cultivating customs and other rituals were not encouraged by the Vietnamese government because the Communist Party of Vietnam held the policy that promoted unity and equality for all Vietnamese citizens preventing the Tai from following their old traditions.

“Kin jiang”即新年对生活在锡朴乌台山区的泰人来说非常重要。通常在庆祝新年之后，泰人会祭拜所有的神。从越南抗法运动时到重获独立期间，泰人不得不从家乡迁徙到丛林和洞穴中居住，因此大多数反映泰人特性的传统风俗都消失了。甚至当国家恢复和平，人们重归故土，一些如崇拜城镇神和村寨神的习俗还是随社会变迁消失。泰人的一些仪式必须由特定的人主持而他们中的大多数都已经去世，这也是泰人传统风俗消失的部分原因。此外，庆典、耕作习俗和其他仪式得不到越南政府的鼓励，因为越南共产党为了推行全体越南公民平等团结的政策，限制泰人保留他们的传统。

有些原因来自泰人自身，作为越南历史的重要组成部分，泰在越南的统治下被看作一个悠久历史的民族，泰人具有把越南当作自己的故乡的归属感。当泰人参与整个国家的传统如国庆节、国家儿童节、胡志明纪念日、独立日等，泰人吸收了这些传统并把它们融入自己的生活。

即使泰人没有接受国家传统文化，他们也享有全国公假。因为泰人还保持着他们的传统信仰，越南的其他全国性信仰并没有介入泰人的生活。泰人广泛接受并隆重庆祝的唯一节日就是越南的新年。这背后的原因是越南新年中重要的传统庆典、辞旧迎新、对祖先的感恩和企盼。新年不仅是家庭成员和先祖之间联系的纽带，它同样揭示了人类和生活环境之间的关系。对越南人来说，新年还是家庭成员团聚，开始新的一年的时刻。这种观念和泰人的“sen huen”相似，结果有些村寨的泰人在庆祝越南新年的同时举行“sen huen”。考虑到泰人在社会变迁中保持传统的方式，很显然泰人在保持自有文化的同时，吸收了某些越南文化以显示他们也是越南文化的组成部分。此外，新年庆典的某些细节也表明泰人将某些越南文化与自己的文化相结合。因此，可以说泰人同时拥有两个民族的文化特征。

Not long ago after the UNESCO released a policy promoting the maintenance of ethnic cultures, especially those of endangered groups, and supporting indigenous people, the Vietnamese government started to put more emphasis on ethnic diversity. Museum of ethnic people project originated by the Vietnamese government is supported by the UNESCO. Ethnicity experts have kept on conducting in-depth field research until the government sees the importance of ethnic culture. Now that different ways of living among ethnic people can be developed into the sales product for tourists bringing more income into the country, the Vietnamese government tries even harder to encourage the ethnic people to maintain their identities. As for the Tai, the local committee, in coordination with the village committee, have revitalized sen ban sen muang “town and village spirits worship,” an important ceremony in the past that was lost long time ago. Any village capable of revitalizing long lost traditions and putting up great exhibition will be named “Village of Culture” so that tourists can come and study more. Some ethnic villages in the North even set up a home stay for tourists to stay over and learn their culture.

不久前，在联合国教科文组织颁布一项政策，以促进保护少数民族，尤其是那些正面临灭绝的族群的文化之后，越南政府更加重视文化的多样性。由越南政府发起的民族博物馆项目计划得到了联合国教科文组织的支持。在政府看到少数民族文化的重要性之前，人类学家已经进行了持续深入的田野调查。现在各民族不同的生活方式被开发成向旅游者兜售的商品，为国家增加了收入，越南政府更是努力去鼓励少数民族保持他们的特征。在泰人方面，地方委员会和村寨委员会协力复兴“sen ban sen muang”（城镇神和村寨神的祭典），这项消失已久的昔日盛典。有能力恢复传统并加以展示的村寨被命名为“文化村”，以便吸引旅游者前来考察。有的北方村寨还开办了家庭旅馆，让旅游者住下来学习他们的文化。

At present, the Vietnamese government realizes the importance of life improvement in terms of education, public health, occupation and infra structure for the ethnic people, especially those living in the North of the country. The Tai people in Sipsongchutai have developed a better relationship with the Vietnamese concerning government work and community services. The Vietnamese government has encouraged the Vietnamese to settle in the center area of each district and at the same time assigned the Vietnamese officials at the local level to work in Sipsongchutai. The Tai families have accepted intermarriage between Tai members and other ethnic people, especially the Vietnamese. Some Tai, particularly the local government officials, have adjusted the ways they dress up, talk and live their lives to blend in with the Vietnamese as much as possible.

目前，越南政府认识到在教育、公共卫生、就业和基层组织方面改善少数民族生活状况的重要性，尤其是那些生活在北方的民族。锡朴乌台的泰人与关注政府工作和社区服务的越南人之间建立了良好的关系。越南政府鼓励越南人到各地区的中心区域定居，同时安排越南官员到锡朴乌台从事地方工作。泰人家庭接受和其他民族，尤其是越南人通婚。有些泰人在地方政府中担任职务，并改变他们的衣着，谈吐等生活方式，和越南人尽可能的打成一片。

虽然在婚礼、建屋、礼仪和信仰中仍能观察到泰人的特征，而且他们显然也以自己的民族为豪，泰人社会还是会不断变化，向越南社会和文化日渐靠拢。在重建家园的斗争中，泰人已经学会调整本民族的策略，以求得生存并为越南人所接受。因此，泰人吸收了全国性的传统和文化，与自有文化相结合，以适应他们的生活方式。越南政府也一定有同样的认识，所以他们不再迫使泰人放弃自己的特征，而是接受民族多样性的观念。除了社会、政治和经济上的原因，政府的复兴地方文化的政策也证实了这种想法。毫无疑问的是，无论锡朴乌台的泰人选择原封不动地保持他们的文化，还是吸收其他文化并与自身结合，都必定不会有违他们最根本的信仰。

花了差不多一天的时间，终于把这篇文章翻译出来了。用句套话说：“由于水平有限，时间仓促”，没有经过仔细推敲和检查，译文中肯定存在很多不妥甚至错误，请各位贝侬不吝指正！

以下是引用季人在2004-5-13 14:23:45的发言：

Mr. Seasoner, you have done a great job!!! It's incredible!!! Obviously, your English and Chinese are much better than mine. I certainly can't translate this whole article in just one day. I am sorry that I couldn't do this myself. Thank you very much!!!

Stoneman贝侬过奖了。翻译的过程中，还有不少疑问需要请教。

比如文中提到了中国的“Ho tribe”，我原本照抄英文，后来怀疑是指“华族”，就改过来了。但是接着又发现越南其实把华族称作“Hoa”。

那么这个“Ho tribe”会不会是指“胡人”？但胡人大多生活在中国北方，而不是邻近锡朴乌台。这究竟是怎么回事？

Sipsongchutai　锡朴乌台，越南西北部的山脉 Assam　阿萨姆，位于印度东北部，是印度的一个邦，泰人聚居区 Black Tai　黑泰，越南泰人支系之一 White Tai　白泰，越南泰人支系之一 Tai Moc Chau　木州泰，越南泰人支系之一 Tay Muang　越南泰人支系之一 Tai Muoi　越南泰人支系之一 Tay Thanh　越南泰人支系之一 Tay Deng　越南泰人支系之一 Muang Tac　地名 Muang Lay　地名 Muang Muay　地名 Muang La　地名 Sipsongpanna　西双版纳，地名，今中国境内 Lanna　兰纳，古国名，建立于约12世纪，都城在今泰国清迈 Khang　抗族，越南民族之一，1999年人口为10,500人，居越南第39位 Xing Mun　欣门族，越南民族之一，1999年人口为18,000人，居越南第33位 Laha　拉哈族，越南民族之一，1999年人口为6,000人，居越南第47位 Muang Thaen　地名 Muang La　地名 Muang Sang　地名 Luang Phrabang　琅勃拉邦，古代王国，位于今老挝 Ho　中国的一个部族 Yalong　古代越南的一个国王 Traite Pate Notre　越南和法国1858年签订的条约 Tiansin Treaty　指《中法会订条约》，又称《中法新约》。1884年签订，清朝承认法国对越南的占领，清军从越南撤回 Son La　山萝，越南地名 Lai Chau　莱州，越南地名 Yen Bai　泰人首领的名字 Meo　苗族 Yao　瑶族 Dien Bien Phu　奠边府，地名。1954年越南在此击败法国，取得决定性胜利 Ho Chi Minh　胡志明（1890-1969），越南国家领导人，越南共产党的创立者 Ngo Dinh Diem　吴庭艳（1901-1963），越南共和国（即南越政权）总统 Ngia Lo　地名 Than Yuen　地名 Van Chan　地名 Phu Yen　富安，越南地名 Moc Chau　木州，越南地名 Yen Chau　地名 Mai Son　地名 Thuan Chau　地名 Muong Lai　地名 Muong Te　地名 Phong Tho　地名 Sing Ho　地名 Tua Chua　地名 Muang Chian　地名 Muang Sang　地名 Muang Wat　地名

季人贝侬确实做了一件大好事，看来是关于这个文章的第一个中译版，应该可以进行版权注册了。壮族在线改版后将陆续搜集类似资料，Stoneman贝侬提供的原文和季人贝侬提供的译文，都是非常珍贵的。

我认为，将Sipsongchutai翻译为“锡朴乌台”和实际发音相差很大。当然，季人贝侬应该是按照越南地名的中文翻译去对应的，可以理解。不过，这个地名在泰语里的实际发音应该是：sip-song-chu-tai，而中文的“锡朴乌台”xi-pu-wu-tai实在有点太过于牵强了，汉字的表音性很不严格，音译外国地名和人名就存在着很大的缺陷（这一点明显比日语用严格表音的片假名去吸收外来词要不科学得多）。同样是傣语（泰语）地名，Sipsongbanna翻译为“西双版纳”，Sipsongchutai却为“锡朴乌台”，可见汉字音译人名地名时对同一语言事实的遮掩性。

我个人认为，将Sipsongchutai翻译为“锡朴双楚台”“锡朴双楚泰”“西双楚泰”“西双楚台”都比“锡朴乌台”要尊重泰语事实得多。当然，既然官方的中文译名定为“锡朴乌台”，我们不方便随便改为“西双楚台”，可以注明“有的中文译名为‘锡朴乌台’”，也可以在中文译文里保留用拉丁拼写Sipsongchutai。以后我在网站资料搜集时收录进这篇文章的中文译文时，会采用这样的标注法，季人贝侬以为如何？

红棉树贝侬说得很有道理。其实我也不清楚“Sipsongchutai”的正式译名应该是什么，只是在网上查询资料时看到过“锡朴乌台”这个译名，就拿来用了。

有时间我会再去图书馆或者书店查查，看能不能找到标准译名。其他在文中提到的地名也需要进一步核实译名。还望各位贝侬多多指正。

“越南是一个多山国家，山地和高原占全国面积的3/4，平原占1/4。整个地形自西北向东南倾斜。北部和西北部为山地和高原，主要山脉有锡朴乌台山、拾送早再山、黄连山。”

重新看了几遍自己的译文，感到很多缺憾。最明显的是逐句“硬译”，每个单独的句子都勉强成立，放到一起则散乱无序，不够连贯。其中原因既有中英文水平的不足，更因为对原文的内在逻辑理解不够深入。

尽管还有很多需要改进的地方，但通过这次尝试，至少引起了我对翻译的兴趣。

在翻译的过程中，常常需要迫使自己努力领会文章中的含义，探寻背景知识，因此在文史方面也收获不小。以后有机会再试译一些类似的文章，也希望能借此和贝侬们一起探讨。建议贝侬们也来试试看。